Editorial cartoon of a municipal hall being pressed by a giant Victoria stamp while condo towers rise around it
Cartoon: municipal hall under Victoria’s housing-target stamp.
A Canadian Press report says UBC housing expert Alexandra Flynn warned against repealing key NDP housing laws, while acknowledging that housing targets have been heavily criticized by local governments.

The NDP’s housing program is now being defended as transformative and attacked as top-down for the same reason: it moved power from municipal councils to Victoria.

In a Canadian Press report dated November 4, UBC housing-policy expert Alexandra Flynn warned it would be a mistake to repeal key parts of the outgoing NDP government’s housing legislation. She said the province still needs homes for low- and very-low-income residents and described David Eby’s changes as among B.C.’s most transformative housing reforms. The same report also states that the legislation came with housing targets that have been heavily criticized by local governments, and that premier-designate Lorne Doerkson has promised repeal because local communities better understand their own needs.

That is the argument in one paragraph. The NDP says scale required provincial force. Municipalities say force became the problem.

The official housing-target page shows what that force looked like. Since May 31, 2023, under the Housing Supply Act and Housing Supply Regulation, the province has had authority to set housing targets for municipalities with the greatest need and highest projected growth. Municipalities under target orders must file annual progress reports. To meet targets, they are expected to create conditions for housing development, including zoning updates and faster approvals.

Then comes the override button. If a municipality misses its target and has not made satisfactory progress, the minister may appoint an adviser, issue a directive requiring the municipality to enact or amend a bylaw or accept or reject a permit, and, as a last resort, use an Order in Council if the municipality does not comply.

This is not theoretical. On July 21, 2025, the province announced ministerial directives to Oak Bay and West Vancouver. Oak Bay was directed to amend development-application and parking bylaws by December 31, 2025. West Vancouver was directed to amend its Official Community Plan for more density around Park Royal-Taylor Way and Ambleside-Dundarave, and to adopt the Ambleside Centre Local Area Plan by the same deadline. The province’s own bulletin said Oak Bay had delivered 16 of 56 Year 1 target units, while West Vancouver had delivered 58 of 220.

Daily Hive’s account of the post-election housing debate identifies the broader Eby-era package: Bill 43 housing targets, Bill 44 small-scale multi-unit housing, Bill 46 development-fee tools, and Bill 47 transit-oriented areas. It also reports that the incoming Conservative government plans to hand neighbourhood-density decisions back to municipalities, while former housing minister Ravi Kahlon argues the NDP changes were needed to give younger residents more housing options.

Both sides can point to real pressures. B.C. needs more housing, and municipal delay has been part of the supply problem. But the NDP’s record is not just a supply policy; it is a governance record. Victoria built a system where targets could become directives, and directives could become cabinet-imposed compliance.

The question now is not whether housing supply matters. It does. The question is whether the NDP’s answer turned local government into an implementation desk for provincial targets. The official documents show the machinery was real. The backlash shows municipalities noticed.